S Divyadharshini

At the age of 24, S Divyadharshini secured 1st rank in the Civil Services Exam 2010. What is it that made her taste success at such a young age? The answer lies in effective strategy. Read on and find out what the Tamil Nadu girl has to say in an exclusive interview to Gulshan Sharma about her attempts at the CSE and more

Q. Tell us about your childhood, family background, schooling and higher education.

A. I was born and brought up in Chennai. My father V Shanmugam is a private consultant while mother S Padmavathi is a home-maker. I have an elder sister Priyadarshini who works in Bangalore and a younger brother Gokulnath. 

I scored 74% marks in the CBSE board class 10 and 86% in class 12. I then did my BA BL (Hons) from Dr Ambedkar Law University in Chennai.

Q. When and why did you choose to become a civil servant?

A. I took the decision when I was studying in college. The reason behind this was to bring positive changes in my capacity as a civil servant.

Q. Was CSE a planned decision? How did your parents support you?

A. Yes, it was a planned decision. Initially, when I told my parents that I wanted to do CSE they left it to me to decide for my life and also stood by my side. My parents had motivated me, supported me and stood by me all the way even after a year of completing my college when I was preparing for CSE.

Q. Please tell about your icon, hobbies and interests.

A. I watch cricket, listen to music, watch movies. I love to hang out with my friends during leisure time and whenever I feel the need to relax.

Q. How many attempts did it take for you to succeed?

A. This was my 2nd attempt. I could not clear the prelims in the 1st attempt.

Q. For how many months did you prepare before taking the CSE?

A. After my failed attempt at CSE, I took one year to prepare for the second attempt at the prelims.

Q. How confident were you about succeeding in the CSE? What was your first reaction when you heard that you have cleared the exam with flying colors?

A. After the personality test (interview), I believed that I had done the interview well and will get into a good service. But never did I expect to top the charts and it took me a few days to believe the news.

Q. How helpful are coaching institutes?

A. A genuine and a good coaching center would provide a proper guidance to route us through the initial days when we don’t know when or where to start. Further, the one best thing about coaching centre is the tests that help us to ascertain where we stand and how much more effort we need to put in.

Q. Did you use internet? How helpful was it? Did you use any current affairs website?

A. Yes I used the internet as an important source of information during my second attempt. It helps a lot. You can get latest information and in-depth analysis on the net. I used current affairs websites available on the net especially those that are dedicated towards CSE.

Q. Any advice to civil services aspirants?

A. Confidence will help you face the exam better. It is a very laborious exam as it spans one full year and keeping one’s morale high will surely make way for success. 

Q. What is your goal in life and how will you now work towards it?

A. I want to work to my satisfaction wherever I am posted. I will strive to work hard for the society and people.

ENVIORNMENTAL LAW:

Environmental protection has always been a part and parcel of Indian culture as evidenced by the stipulated responsibilities of the state as well as Citizens for the nature and living being the constitution of India under Article 48A and 51A(g).
Article 48A : The state shall endeavor to protect and improve the natural environment and safeguard the forests and wildlife of the country.
Article 51A(g): Fundamental duty of every citizen to protect and improve the natural environment including forests,lakes,rivers and wildlife and have to compassion for living creatures.

In the Constitution of India it is clearly stated that it is the duty of the state to 'protect and improve the environment and to safeguard the forests and wildlife of the country'. It imposes a duty on every citizen' to protect and improve the natural environment including forests,lakes,rivers and wildlife'. Reference to the environment has also been made in the Directive Principles of State policy as well as the Fundamental Rights. The Department of Environment was established in India in 1980 to ensure a healthy environment for the country. This later became the Ministry of Environment and Forest in 1985.

The Constitutional provision are backed by a number of laws - acts,rules,and notifications. The EPA(Environmental Protection Act), 1986 came into force soon after the Bhopal Gas Tragedy and is considered an umbrella legislation as it fills many gaps in the existing laws. Thereafter a large number of laws came into existence as the problems began arising, for example, Handling and Management of Hazardous Waste Rules in 1989. Following is a list of the environmental legislation that have come into effect :
• General
• Forest and Wildlife
• Water
• Air
General :
Environment (Protection) Act, 1986 (EPA)
This Act is an umbrella legislation designed to provide a framework for the co-ordination of central and state authorities established under the Water (Prevention and Control) Act, 1974 and Air (Prevention and Control) Act, 1981. Under this Act, the central government is empowered to take measures necessary to protect and improve the quality of the environment by setting standards for emissions and discharges; regulating the location of industries; management of hazardous wastes, and protection of public health and welfare.
From time to time the central government issues notifications under the EPA for the protection of ecologically-sensitive areas or issues guidelines for matters under the EPA.
Some notifications issued under this Act are:
• Doon Valley Notification (1989), which prohibits the setting up of an industry in which the daily consumption of coal/fuel is more than 24 MT (million tonnes) per day in the Doon Valley.
• Coastal Regulation Zone Notification (1991), which regulates activities along coastal stretches. As per this notification, dumping ash or any other waste in the CRZ is prohibited. The thermal power plants (only foreshore facilities for transport of raw materials, facilities for intake of cooling water and outfall for discharge of treated waste water/cooling water) require clearance from the MoEF.
• Dhanu Taluka Notification (1991), under which the district of Dhanu Taluka has been declared an ecologically fragile region and setting up power plants in its vicinity is prohibited.
• Revdanda Creek Notification (1989), which prohibits setting up industries in the belt around the Revdanda Creek as per the rules laid down in the notification.
• The Environmental Impact Assessment of Development Projects Notification, (1994 and as amended in 1997). As per this notification:
• All projects listed under Schedule I require environmental clearance from the MoEF.
• Projects under the delicenced category of the New Industrial Policy also require clearance from the MoEF.
• All developmental projects whether or not under the Schedule I, if located in fragile regions must obtain MoEF clearance.
• Industrial projects with investments above Rs 500 million must obtain MoEF clearance and are further required to obtain a LOI (Letter Of Intent) from the Ministry of Industry, and an NOC (No Objection Certificate) from the SPCB and the State Forest Department if the location involves forestland. Once the NOC is obtained, the LOI is converted into an industrial licence by the state authority.
• The notification also stipulated procedural requirements for the establishment and operation of new power plants. As per this notification, two-stage clearance for site-specific projects such as pithead thermal power plants and valley projects is required. Site clearance is given in the first stage and final environmental clearance in the second. A public hearing has been made mandatory for projects covered by this notification. This is an important step in providing transparency and a greater role to local communities.
• Ash Content Notification (1997), required the use of beneficiated coal with ash content not exceeding 34% with effect from June 2001, (the date later was extended to June 2002). This applies to all thermal plants located beyond one thousand kilometres from the pithead and any thermal plant located in an urban area or, sensitive area irrespective of the distance from the pithead except any pithead power plant.
• Taj Trapezium Notification (1998), provided that no power plant could be set up within the geographical limit of the Taj Trapezium assigned by the Taj Trapezium Zone Pollution (Prevention and Control) Authority.
• Disposal of Fly Ash Notification (1999) the main objective of which is to conserve the topsoil, protect the environment and prevent the dumping and disposal of fly ash discharged from lignite-based power plants. The salient feature of this notification is that no person within a radius of 50 km from a coal-or lignite-based power plant shall manufacture clay bricks or tiles without mixing at least 25% of ash with soil on a weight-to-weight basis. For the thermal power plants the utilisation of the flyash would be as follows:
• Every coal-or lignite-based power plant shall make available ash for at least ten years from the date of publication of the above notification without any payment or any other consideration, for the purpose of manufacturing ash-based products such as cement, concrete blocks, bricks, panels or any other material or for construction of roads, embankments, dams, dykes or for any other construction activity.

Forest and Wildlife:
The Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972, Amendment 1991
The WPA (Wildlife Protection Act), 1972, provides for protection to listed species of flora and fauna and establishes a network of ecologically-important protected areas. The WPA empowers the central and state governments to declare any area a wildlife sanctuary, national park or closed area. There is a blanket ban on carrying out any industrial activity inside these protected areas. It provides for authorities to administer and implement the Act; regulate the hunting of wild animals; protect specified plants, sanctuaries, national parks and closed areas; restrict trade or commerce in wild animals or animal articles; and miscellaneous matters. The Act prohibits hunting of animals except with permission of authorized officer when an animal has become dangerous to human life or property or so disabled or diseased as to be beyond recovery (WWF-India, 1999). The near-total prohibition on hunting was made more effective by the Amendment Act of 1991.

The Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980
This Act was adopted to protect and conserve forests. The Act restricts the powers of the state in respect of de-reservation of forests and use of forestland for non-forest purposes (the term non-forest purpose includes clearing any forestland for cultivation of cash crops, plantation crops, horticulture or any purpose other than re-afforestation).

Water :
Water quality standards especially those for drinking water are set by the Indian Council of Medical Research. These bear close resemblance to WHO standards. The discharge of industrial effluents is regulated by the Indian Standard Codes and recently, water quality standards for coastal water marine outfalls have also been specified. In addition to the general standards, certain specific standards have been developed for effluent discharges from industries such as, iron and steel, aluminium, pulp and paper, oil refineries, petrochemicals and thermal power plants. Legislation to control water pollution are listed below.

Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974
This Act represented India's first attempts to comprehensively deal with environmental issues. The Act prohibits the discharge of pollutants into water bodies beyond a given standard, and lays down penalties for non-compliance. The Act was amended in 1988 to conform closely to the provisions of the EPA, 1986. It set up the CPCB (Central Pollution Control Board) which lays down standards for the prevention and control of water pollution. At the State level, the SPCBs (State Pollution Control Board) function under the direction of the CPCB and the state government.

Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Cess Act, 1977
This Act provides for a levy and collection of a cess on water consumed by industries and local authorities. It aims at augmenting the resources of the central and state boards for prevention and control of water pollution. Following this Act, The Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Cess Rules were formulated in 1978 for defining standards and indications for the kind of and location of meters that every consumer of water is required to install.

Air :
To counter the problems associated with air pollution, ambient air quality standards were established, under the 1981 Act. The Act provides means for the control and abatement of air pollution. The Act seeks to combat air pollution by prohibiting the use of polluting fuels and substances, as well as by regulating appliances that give rise to air pollution. Under the Act establishing or operating of any industrial plant in the pollution control area requires consent from state boards. The boards are also expected to test the air in air pollution control areas, inspect pollution control equipment, and manufacturing processes.
National Ambient Air Quality Standards (NAAQS) for major pollutants were notified by the CPCB in April 1994. These are deemed to be levels of air quality necessary with an adequate margin of safety, to protect public health, vegetation and property (CPCB 1995 cited in Gupta, 1999). The NAAQS prescribe specific standards for industrial, residential, rural and other sensitive areas. Industry-specific emission standards have also been developed for iron and steel plants, cement plants, fertilizer plants, oil refineries and the aluminium industry. The ambient quality standards prescribed in India are similar to those prevailing in many developed and developing countries.
To empower the central and state pollution boards to meet grave emergencies, the Air (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Amendment Act, 1987, was enacted. The boards were authorized to take immediate measures to tackle such emergencies and recover the expenses incurred from the offenders. The power to cancel consent for non-fulfilment of the conditions prescribed has also been emphasized in the Air Act Amendment.
The Air (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Rules formulated in 1982, defined the procedures for conducting meetings of the boards, the powers of the presiding officers, decision-making, the quorum; manner in which the records of the meeting were to be set etc. They also prescribed the manner and the purpose of seeking assistance from specialists and the fee to be paid to them.
Complementing the above Acts is the Atomic Energy Act of 1982, which was introduced to deal with radioactive waste. In 1988, the Motor Vehicles Act, was enacted to regulate vehicular traffic, besides ensuring proper packaging, labelling and transportation of the hazardous wastes. Various aspects of vehicular pollution have also been notified under the EPA of 1986. Mass emission standards were notified in 1990, which were made more stringent in 1996. In 2000 these standards were revised yet again and for the first time separate obligations for vehicle owners, manufacturers and enforcing agencies were stipulated. In addition, fairly stringent Euro I and II emission norms were notified by the Supreme Court on April 29, 1999 for the city of Delhi. The notification made it mandatory for car manufacturers to conform to the Euro I and Euro II norms by May 1999 and April 2000, respectively, for new non-commercial vehicle sold in Delhi.

Do’s and Don’ts for the Preparation of IAS Prelims.

Here are some Do’s and Don’ts for the Preparation of IAS Prelims. Have a look at the points prepared on Do’s and Don’ts and proceed in the final touch up for the upcoming IAS Prelims.

DO’S

•    Follow a healthy schedule for each day before Exam.

•    Drink a lot of water to keep your body hydrated. A healthy body does possess a healthy mind.

•    Intake a good diet; junk and oil-spicy rich foods have bad health impacts.

•    Plan every day according to the need and try to achieve the listed to dos

•    Have sufficient sleep; a tired brain can not work productively.

•    Read out some jokes or poems or short stories in between studies to give yourself a break from the monotonous routine studies.

•    Play games with friends sometimes to refresh you up.

•    Watch a movie that at some point of time motivated you to do good in life.

•    Have some herbal tea between studies for a fresh feeling. And make sure that you drink tea and coffee in limited amount.

•    Instead of getting into too much of tea and coffee to avoid sleepy and dozy feeling, get into some light Yoga or Breathing Exercise. This way you will stay fit and you will not feel lethargic also. However, it is always suggested that you should go off for sleeping whenever you feel like. A good amount of sleep will gift you with a fresh mind always.

•    Be confident always. This is the best way to motivate self.

•    Try to surround yourself with all positive energy. This will give you a good feeling all the time for a better and easier preparation.

DON’TS

•    Do not panic if you can not someday fulfill your target; we all are human beings, we have limitations. If you can not achieve your target on someday, instead of panicking or feeling bad, give a second chance and try to fulfill them at that time.

•    Do not cut yourself completely from the social life, just because it is Exam time. As breaks between studies, go out for sometime, talk to people whom you consider to be nice.

•    Do not indulge yourself too much into tea and coffee. These stuff are good till you intake them within limitation i.e. 2 cups a day may be. But as tea and coffee contains caffeine, so consuming them in huge quantity will create health problems.

•    Do not exhaust yourself with longer study hours. Take breaks in between for better remembrance and better production.

•    Do not plan any new topic for study when only a few days are left for Exam. This may confuse you and bring your confidence level low. Instead, make revision more than one time so that you gain confidence and will surely motivate you constantly.

•    Do not get involved into any negative emotions before exam. We, human beings are intelligent enough to manage things according to our comfort. So, avoid any kind of emotional stuff that gives a bad feeling during Exam preparation.

General Studies On Indian History About National Activities

The Indian National Congress:
• Formed in 1885 by A.O.Hume, an Englishman and a retired civil servant.
• First session in Bombay under W.C.Banerjee in 1885 (72 delegates attended it).
• In the first two decades (1885 – 1905), quite moderate in its approach and confided in British justice and generosity.
• But the repressive measures of the British gave rise to extremists within Congress like Bipin Chandra Pal, Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Lala Lajpat Rai (Lal, Bal, Pal).
Partition of Bengal:
• By Lord Curzon on Oct 16, 1905, through a royal Proclamation, reducing the old province of Bengal in size by creating East Bengal and Assam out of rest of Bengal.
• The objective was to set up a communal gulf between Hindus and Muslims.
• A mighty upsurge swept the country against the partition. National movement found real expression in the movement against the partition of Bengal in 1905.
Swadeshi Movement (1905):
• Lal, Bal, Pal, and Aurobindo Ghosh played the important role.
• INC took the Swadeshi call first at the Banaras Session, 1905 presided over by G.K.Gokhale.
• Bonfires of foreign goods were conducted at various places.
Formation of Muslim League (1906):
• Setup in 1906 under the leadership of Aga Khan, Nawab Salimullah of Dhaka and Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk.
• It was a loyalist, communal and conservative political organization which supported the partition of Bengal, opposed the Swadeshi movement, demanded special safeguards to its community and a separate electorate for Muslims.

Demand for Swaraj:
• In Dec 1906 at Calcutta, the INC under Dadabhai Naoroji adopted ‘Swaraj’ (Self-govt) as the goal of Indian people.

Surat Session of Indian National Congress (1907):
• The INC split into two groups – The extremists and The moderates, at the Surat session in 1907. Extremists were led by Bal, Pal, Lal while the moderates by G.K.Gokhale.

Indian Councils Act or Minto Morley Reforms (1909):
• Besides other constitutional measures, it envisaged a separate electorate for Muslims.
• Aimed at dividing the nationalist ranks and at rallying the Moderates and the Muslims to the Government’s side.

Ghadar Party (1913):
• Formed by Lala Hardayal, Taraknath Das and Sohan Singh Bhakna.
• HQ was at San Francisco.

Home Rule Movement (1916):
• Started by B.G.Tilak(April, 1916) at Poona and Annie Besant and S.Subramania Iyer at Adyar, near Madras (Sept, 1916).
• Objective: Self – government for India in the British Empire.
• Tilak linked up the question of Swaraj with the demand for the formation of Linguistic States and education in vernacular language. He gave the slogan: Swaraj is my birth right and I will have it.

Lucknow Pact (1916):
• Happened following a war between Britain and Turkey leading to anti-British feelings among Muslims.
• Both INC and Muslim League concluded this (Congress accepted the separate electorates and both jointly demanded for a representative government and dominion status for the country).


August Declaration (1917): • After the Lucknow Pact, a British policy was announced which aimed at “increasing association of Indians in every branch of the administration for progressive realization of responsible government in India as an integral part of the British empire”. This came to be called the August Declaration.
 

Rowlatt Act (March 18, 1919):
• This gave unbridled powers to the govt. to arrest and imprison suspects without trial for two years maximum. This law enabled the Government to suspend the right of Habeas Corpus, which had been the foundation of civil liberties in Britain.
• Caused a wave of anger in all sections. It was the first country-wide agitation by Gandhiji and marked the foundation of the Non Cooperation Movement.
Jallianwala Bagh Massacre (April 13, 1919):
• People were agitated over the arrest of Dr. Kitchlu and Dr. Satyapal on April 10, 1919.
• General O’ Dyer fires at people who assembled in the Jallianwala Bagh, Amritsar.
• As a result hundreds of men, women and children were killed and thousands injured.
• Rabindranath Tagore returned his Knighthood in protest. Sir Shankaran Nair resigned from Viceroy’s Executive Council after this.
• Hunter Commission was appointed to enquire into it.
• On March 13, 1940, Sardar Udham Singh killed O’Dyer when the later was addressing a meeting in Caxton Hall, London.

Khilafat Movement (1920):
• Muslims were agitated by the treatment done with Turkey by the British in the treaty that followed the First World War.
• Two brothers, Mohd.Ali and Shaukat Ali started this movement.

Non-cooperation Movement (1920):
• It was the first mass-based political movement under Gandhiji.
• Congress passed the resolution in its Calcutta session in Sept 1920.  

Chauri –Chaura Incident (1922):
• A mob of people at Chauri – Chaura (near Gorakhpur) clashed with police and burnt 22 policemen on February 5, 1922.
• This compelled Gandhiji to withdraw the Non Cooperation movement on Feb.12, 1922.
Simon Commission (1927):
• Constituted under John Simon, to review the political situation in India and to introduce further reforms and extension of parliamentary democracy.
• Indian leaders opposed the commission, as there were no Indians in it.
• The Government used brutal repression and police attacks to break the popular opposition. At Lahore, Lala Lajpat Rai was severely beaten in a lathi-charge. He succumbed to his injuries on Oct.30, 1928.
 

Lahore Session (1929):
• On Dec.19, 1929 under the President ship of J.L.Nehru, the INC, at its Lahore Session, declared Poorna Swaraj (Complete independence) as its ultimate goal.
• On Dec.31, 1929, the newly adopted tri-colour flag was unfurled and an.26, 1930 was fixed as the First Independence Day, was to be celebrated every year.
Revolutionary Activities:
• The first political murder of a European was committed in 1897 at Poona by the Chapekar brothers, Damodar and Balkishan. Their target was Mr.Rand, President of the Plague Commission, but Lt.Ayerst was accidentally shot.
• In 1907, Madam Bhikaiji Cama, a Parsi revolutionary unfurled the flag of India at Stuttgart Congress (of Second international).
• In 1908, Khudiram Bose and Prafulla chaki threw a bomb on the carriage of kingford, the unpopular judge of Muzaffapur. Khudiram, Kanhaiyalal Dutt and Satyendranath Bose were hanged. (Alipur Case).
• In 1909, M L Dhingra shot dead Col.William Curzon Whyllie, the political advisor of “India Office” in London.
• In 1912, Rasbihari Bose and Sachindra Nath Sanyal threw a bomb and Lord Hardinge at Delhi. (Delhi Conspiracy Case).
• In Oct, 1924, a meeting of revolutionaries from all parts of India was called at Kanpur. They setup Hindustan Socialist Republic Association/Army (HSRA).
• They carried out a dacoity on the Kakori bound train on the Saharanpur-Lucknow railway line on Aug. 9, 1925.
• Bhagat Singh, with his colleagues, shot dead Saunders (Asst. S.P. of Lahore, who ordered lathi charge on Lala Lajpat Rai) on Dec.17, 1928.
• Then Bhagat Singh and Batukeshwar Dutt threw a bomb in the Central Assembly on Apr 8, 1929. Thus, he, Rajguru and Sukhdev were hanged on March. 23,1931 at Lahore Jall (Lahore Conspiracy Case) and their bodies cremated at Hussainiwala near Ferozepur.
• In 1929 only Jatin Das died in Lahore jail after 63 days fast to protest against horrible conditions in jail.
• Surya Sen, a revolutionary of Bengal, formed the Indian Republic Army in Bengal. In 1930, he masterminded the raid on Chittagong armoury. He was hanged in 1933.

• In 1931, Chandrashekhar Azad shot himself at Alfred Park in Allahabad.


Dandi March (1930):
• Also called the Salt Satyagraha.
• Along with 78 followers, Gandhiji started his march from Sabarmati Ashram on March 12, 1930 for the small village Dandhi to break the salt law.
• He reached the seashore on Apr.6, 1930.
• He picked a handful of salt and inaugurated the Civil Disobedience Movement.


First Round Table conference (1930):
• It was the first conference arranged between the British and Indians as equals. It was held on Nov.12, 1930 in London to discuss Simon commission.
• Boycotted by INC, Muslim League, Hindu Mahasabha, Liberals and some others were there.  

Gandhi Irwin Pact (1931):
• Moderate Statesman, Sapru, Jaikar and Srinivas Shastri initiated efforts to break the ice between Gandhiji and the government.
• The two (government represented by Irwin and INC by Gandhiji) signed a pact on March 5, 1931.
• In this the INC called off the civil disobedience movement and agreed to join the second round table conference.
• The government on its part released the political prisoners and conceded the right to make salt for consumption for villages along the coast.
Second Round Table Conference (1931):
• Gandhiji represented the INC and went to London to meet British P.M. Ramsay Macdonald.
• However, the session was soon deadlocked on the minorities issue and this time separate electorates was demanded not only by Muslims but also by Depressed Classes, Indian Christians and Anglo – Indians.
The Communal Award (Aug 16,1932):
• Announced by Ramsay McDonald. It showed divide and rule policy of the British.
• Envisaged representation of Muslims, Sikhs, Indian Christians, Anglo Indians, women and even Backward classes.
• Gandhiji, who was in Yeravada jail at that time, started a fast unto death against it.

Poona Pact (September 25, 1932):
• After the announcement of communal award and subsequent fast of Gandhiji, mass meeting took place almost everywhere.
• Political leaders like Madan Mohan Malviya, B.R.Ambedkar and M.C.Rajah became active.
• Eventually Poona pact was reached and Gandhiji broke his fact on the sixth day (Sept 25, 1932).
• In this, the idea of separate electorate for the depressed classes was abandoned, but seats reserved to them in the provincial legislature were increased.
Third Round Table Conference (1932):
• Proved fruitless as most of the national leaders were in prison. The discussions led to the passing of the Government of India Act, 1935.

Demand For Pakistan:
• In 1930, Iqbal suggested that the Frontier Province, Baluchistan, Sindh and Kashmir be made the Muslim State within the federation.
• Chaudhary Rehmat Ali gave the term Pakistan in 1923.
• Mohd. Ali Jinnah of Bombay gave it practicality.
• Muslim League first passed the proposal of separate Pakistan in its Lahore session in 1940.
The Cripps Mission – 1942:
• In Dec. 1941, Japan entered the World War – II and advanced towards Indian borders. By March 7, 1942, Rangoon fell and Japan occupied the entire S E Asia.
• The British govt. with a view to getting co-operation from Indians sent Sir Stafford Cripps, leader of the House of Commons to settle terms with the Indian leaders.
• He offered a draft which proposed dominion status to be granted after the war.
• Rejected by the Congress as it didn’t want to rely upon future promises.
• Gandhiji termed it as a post dated cheque in a crashing bank.


The Revolt of 1942 & The Quit India Movement:
• Called the Vardha Proposal and Leaderless Revolt.
• The resolution was passed on Aug.8, 1942, at Bombay. Gandhiji gave the slogan ‘Do or Die’.
• On Aug 9, the Congress was banned and its important leaders were arrested.
• The arrests provoked indignation among the masses and, there being no program of action, the movement became spontaneous and violent. Violence spread throughout the country.
• The movement was however crushed.
 The Indian National Army:
Founded by Rasbehari Bose with Captain Mohan Singh.
• S.C.Bose secretly escaped from India in Jain 1941, and reached Berlin. In July 1943, he joined the INA at Singapore. There, Rasbehari Bose handed over the leadership to him.
• The soldiers were mostly raised from Indian soldiers of the British army who had been taken prisoners by the Japanese after they conquered S.E.Asia.
• Two INA head quarters were Rangoon and Singapore (formed in Singapore).
• INA had three fighting brigades named after Gandhiji, Azad and Nehru. Rani Jhansi Brigade was an exclusive women force.

The Cabinet Mission Plan (1946):
• The struggle for freedom entered a decisive phase in the year 1945-46. The new Labour Party PM.Lord Attlee, made a declaration on March 15, 1946, that British Cabinet Mission (comprising of Lord Pethick Lawrence as Chairman, Sir Stafford Cripps and A.V.Alexander) will visit India.
• The mission held talks with the INC and ML to bring about acceptance of their proposals.
• On May 16, 1946, the mission put towards its proposals. It rejected the demand for separate Pakistan and instead a federal union consisting of British India and the Princely States was suggested.
• Both Congress and Muslims League accepted it.

 Formation of Interim Government (Sept 2, 1946):
• Based on Cabinet Mission Plan, an interim government consisting of Congress nominees was formed on Sept.2, 1946. J.L.Nehru was its Vice-President and the Governor-General remained as its President.
Jinnah’s Direct Action Resolution (Aug 16, 1946):
• Jinnah was alarmed at the results of the elections because the Muslim League was in danger of being totally eclipsed in the constituent assembly.
• Therefore, Muslim League withdrew its acceptance of the Cabinet Mission Plan on July 29, 1946.
• It passed a ‘Direct action’ resolution, which condemned both the British Government and the Congress (Aug 16, 1946). It resulted in heavy communal riots.
• Jinnah celebrated Pakistan Day on Mar 27, 1947.
Formation of Constituent Assembly (Dec 9, 1946):
• The Constituent assembly met on Dec 9, 1946 and Dr.Rajendra Prasad was elected as its president.

Mountbatten Plan (June 3, 1947):
• On June 3, 1947, Lord Mountbatten put forward his plan which outlined the steps for the solution of India’s political problem. The outlines of the Plan were:
• India to be divided into India and Pakistan.
• Bengal and Punjab will be partitioned and a referendum in NEFP and Sylhet district of Assam would be held.
• There would be a separate constitutional assembly for Pakistan to frame its constitution.
• The Princely states would enjoy the liberty to join either India or Pakistan or even remain independent.
• Aug.15, 1947 was the date fixed for handing over power to India and Pakistan.
• The British govt. passed the Indian Independence Act of 1947 in July 1947, which contained the major provisions put forward by the Mountbatten plan.
Partition and Independence (Aug 1947):
• All political parties accepted the Mountbatten plan.
• At the time of independence, there were 562 small and big Princely States in India.
• Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel, the first home minister, used iron hand in this regard. By August 15, 1947, all the States, with a few exceptions like Kashmir, Hyderabad and Junagarh had signed the Instrument of Accession. Goa was with the Portuguese and Pondicherry with the French.

Lokpal Bill

The word Lokpal means an ombudsman in India. The word has been derived from the Sanskrit words "loka" (people) and "pala" (protector/caretaker). So the word Lokpal means 'protector of people'. The concept of Lokpal has been drawn up to root out corruption at all levels in the prevailing Indian polity.

The Lokpal will be a three-member body with a chairperson who is or was a chief justice or Supreme Court judge, and two members who are or have been high courts judges or chief justices.Implementation of the Lokpal bill will hopefully reduce corruption in India. The basic idea of the Lok Pal is borrowed from the office of ombudsman, which has played an effective role in checking corruption and wrong-doing in Scandinavian and other nations. In early 1960s, mounting corruption in public administration set the winds blowing in favour of an Ombudsman in India too.

The Administrative Reforms Commission (ARC) set up in 1966 recommended the constitution of a two-tier machinery - of a Lokpal at the Centre, and Lokayukta(s) in the states.the Lokpal has to complete the inquiry within six months.

Duties of Lokpal are as follows:

1. To judge the cases and make jurisdictions against corruption cases with the Lokpal.

2. To judge whether a case is legal or whether a fake complaint has been made.

3. To potentially impose fines on a fake complaint, or even a short span of jail time, if the case is not proved to be legally true.

In India, the Jan Lokpal Bill (also referred to as the citizens' ombudsman bill) is a proposed anti-corruption law designed to effectively deter corruption, redress grievances and protect whistleblowers. The law would create an ombudsman called the Lokpal; this would be an independent body similar to the Election Commission of India with the power to prosecute politicians and bureaucrats without prior government permission.

A compromise bill, merging the Government's version and that of the civil group's version (Jan Lokpal), is being drafted by a committee of five Cabinet Ministers and five social activists. As of July 2011, the most current version of the bill is version 2.3, according to the government website. For 42 years, the government-drafted bill has failed to pass the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Parliament of India.The first Lokpal Bill was passed in the 4th Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament, in 1969 but stalled in the Rajya Sabha. Subsequent Lokpal bills were introduced in 1971, 1977, 1985, 1989, 1996, 1998, 2001, 2005 and 2008 but all failed to pass.

Latest Developments

Anna Hazare, a Gandhian rights activist, had started a fast unto death at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi demanding the passing of the bill. Hazare called off his hunger strike on the 9th of April, 2011 bringing to an end his 98-hour protest after the government issued a gazette notification constituting a 10-member Joint Committee of government ministers and civil society activists, including him, to draft a bill for the creation of an effective Lokpal.

Drafting Committee

The drafting committee was officially formed on 8 April 2011. It consists of ten members, including five from the government and five drawn from society.

Chairmen

The Government of India accepted that the committee be co-chaired by a politician and an activist, non-politician. It is reported that Pranab Mukherjee, from the political arena, and Shanti Bhushan, from civil society, will fill those roles.

Government representation (Five Cabinet ministers )They are:

» Pranab Mukherjee, Finance Minister, Co-Chairman;

» P. Chidambaram, Minister of Home Affairs;

» Veerappa Moily, Minister of Law and Justice;

» Kapil Sibal, Minister for Communications and Information Technology; and

» Salman Khursid, Minister of Water Resources.

Civil society representation (Five leading social activists). They are:

» Shanti Bhushan, Former Minister of Law and Justice, Co-Chairman;

» Anna Hazare, Social Activist;

» Prashant Bhushan, Lawyer;

» N. Santosh Hegde, Lokayukta (Karnataka); and

» Arvind Kejriwal.

Thousands of people from all over India, especially the youth, supported Anna Hazare's cause by candle light marches and online campaigns through social media.Recently Yoga guru, Swami Ramdev, was on a fast for this cause for 9 consecutive days from 4 June - 12 June 2011. He wanted the Government of India to accept various demands which mainly included those related to the Lokpall bill.Anna Hazare on the 8th of June, 2011, declared that he will restart his fast unto death on the 16th of August if the Lokpal bill is not passed by the Parliament of India by 15 August, which is the Inependence Day of India.On the 16th of June, the civil society reported that only 15 points of total 71 that they recommended have been agreed to by the Joint Committee consisting of five central ministers. Following differences with the Civil Society, the team of five central ministers decided to forward two drafts of the Lokpal Bill to the Cabinet, one from each side.

The Jan Lokpal Bill (Citizen's ombudsman Bill) is a draft anti-corruption bill drawn up by prominent civil society activists seeking the appointment of a Jan Lokpal, an independent body that would investigate corruption cases, complete the investigation within a year and envisages trial in the case getting over in the next one year. Drafted by Justice Santosh Hegde (former Supreme Court Judge and present Lokayukta of Karnataka), Prashant Bhushan (Supreme Court Lawyer) and Arvind Kejriwal (RTI activist), the draft Bill envisages a system where a corrupt person found guilty would go to jail within two years of the complaint being made and his ill-gotten wealth being confiscated. It also seeks power to the Jan Lokpal to prosecute politicians and bureaucrats without government permission.

Salient features of Jan Lokpal Bill:

1. An institution called LOKPAL at the centre and LOKAYUKTA in each state will be set up.

2. Like Supreme Court and Election Commission, they will be completely independent of the governments. No minister or bureaucrat will be able to influence their investigations.

3. Cases against corrupt people will not linger on for years anymore: Investigations in any case will have to be completed in one year. Trial should be completed in next one year so that the corrupt politician, officer or judge is sent to jail within two years.

4. The loss that a corrupt person caused to the government will be recovered at the time of conviction.

5. How will it help a common citizen: If any work of any citizen is not done in prescribed time in any government office, Lokpal will impose financial penalty on guilty officers, which will be given as compensation to the complainant.

6. So, you could approach Lokpal if your ration card or passport or voter card is not being made or if police is not registering your case or any other work is not being done in prescribed time.

Lokpal will have to get it done in a month's time. You could also report any case of corruption to Lokpal like ration being siphoned off, poor quality roads been constructed or panchayat funds being siphoned off. Lokpal will have to complete its investigations in a year, trial will be over in next one year and the guilty will go to jail within two years.

7. But won't the government appoint corrupt and weak people as Lokpal members? That won't be possible because its members will be selected by judges, citizens and constitutional authorities and not by politicians, through a completely transparent and participatory process.

8. What if some officer in Lokpal becomes corrupt? The entire functioning of Lokpal/ Lokayukta will be completely transparent. Any complaint against any officer of Lokpal shall be investigated and the officer dismissed within two months.

9. What will happen to existing anti-corruption agencies? CVC, departmental vigilance and anti- corruption branch of CBI will be merged into Lokpal. Lokpal will have complete powers and machinery to independently investigate and prosecute any officer, judge or politician.

10. It will be the duty of the Lokpal to provide protection to those who are being victimized for raising their voice against corruption.

Some people have opined that the Jan Lokpal Bill is 'Naïve' in its approach to combating corruption. The Lokpal concept was criticized by the Human Resource Development (HRD) minister Kapil Sibal because of concerns that it will lack accountability, oppresively, and undemocratically.The claim that the Lokpal will be an extra-constitutional body has been derided by Hazare’s closest lieutenant, Arvind Kejriwal. He states the Jan Lokpal Bill drafted by civil society will only investigate corruption offences and submit a charge sheet which would then tried and prosecuted, through trial courts and higher courts. Kejriwal further states that the proposed bill also lists clear provisions in which the Supreme Court can abolish the Lokpal.Although Kejriwal has stated that all prosecutions will be carried out through trial courts, the exact judicial powers of LokPal is rather

unclear in comparison with its investigative powers.

The bill requires "...members of Lokpal and the officers in investigation wing of Lokpal shall be deemed to be police officers". Although some supporters have denied any judicial powers of Lokpal,the government and some critics have recognized Lokpal to have quasi-judicial powers.The bill states that "Lokpal shall have, and exercise the same jurisdiction powers and authority in respect of contempt of itself as a High court has and may exercise, and, for this purpose, the provisions of the Contempt of ourts Act, 1971 (Central Act 70 of 1971) shall have the effect subject to the modification that the ref rences therein to the High Court shall be construed as including a reference to the Lokpal." Review of proceedings and decisions by Lokpal is prevented in the bill, stating "...no proceedings or decision of the Lokpal shall be liable to be challenged, reviewed, quashed or called in question in any court of ordinary Civil Jurisdiction." Without judicial review, there is concern that Lokpal could become a extra-constitutional body with investigative and judicial powers whose decisions cannot be reviewed in regular courts.

Whether or not to include the Prime Minister and higher judiciary under the Lokpal remains as one of the major issues of dispute. Although Hazare proposed Justice Verma, the former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, as the Chairman of the Lokpal Bill panel,Justice Verma later expressed his constitutional objections for including the Prime Minister and higher judiciary under Lokpal, stating "this would foul with the basic structure of the constitution".

Difference Between Draft Lokpal Bill 2010 and Jan Lokpal Bill

Draft Lokpal Bill (2010)

Jan Lokpal Bill 

(Citizen's Ombudsman Bill) » Lokpal will have no power to initiate suo motu action or receive complaints of corruption from the general public. It can only probe.

» Complaints forwarded by the Speaker of the Lok Sabha or the Chairman of the Rajya Sabha.

» Lokpal will only be an Advisory Body with a role limited to forwarding reports to a "Competent Authority".

» Lokpal will have no police powers and no ability to register an First Information Report or proceed with criminal investigations.

» The CBI and Lokpal will be unconnected.

» Punishment for corruption will be a minimum of 6 months and a maximum of up to 7 years.

» Lokpal will have powers to initiate suo moto action or receive complaints of corruption from the general public.

» Lokpal will have the power to initiate prosecution of anyone found guilty.

» Lokpal will have police powers as well as the ability to register FIRs.

» Lokpal and the anti corruption wing of the CBI will be one independent body.

» Punishments will be a minimum of 5 years and a maximum of up to life imprisonment.

India is a country where honesty and integrity in public and private life have been glorified andupheld in great epics such as the Vedas, Upanishads and in the books and practices of everyreligion practiced here.Yet, India today is one of the most corrupt countries in the world.Bringing public servants under a scanner which makes them strictly accountable is the start of amovement against corruption in India. And one significant step in attacking the spectre ofcorruption in India will be the implementation of the lok pal bill.

In the regular dispensation of government there are implicit and explicit ways that citizens canvoice their grievances and demand change. But these are often difficult. Within administrative departments, for example, any decision of one official can be appealed to a higher official, all the way up to the head of a department. However, this mechanism has inherent flaws.But it can be said that Lokpal is the need of the hour and it will have to be implemented first ,then only we can decide whether it is fruitful or not.

India China relations

India China relations have been going through a rough phase for some time now. In fact, over the past year they have become even more complex than they normally have been over the past five decades as a result of new Chinese diplomatic and military assertiveness when he characterized them as being in a “fragile” state that needed care. Little visible progress however has been made in resolving some of the issues that have made the relationship tenuous. Wen’s visit was useful for putting the issues back on the table and reiterating positions. He has indicated that China would discuss the problems so as to find solutions. Whether there have been positive movement will be visible in Chinese postures only in the coming months. Thus, when the Chinese Premier referring to the relationship said: “We are partners not competitors”, he was perhaps focusing more on a goal rather than describing the current reality, since the list of issues pending resolution has been growing.

The Issues 

DIFFERENCES OVER TERRITORY

Several issues have plagued India China relations through the past year. The most important of them concerns the emergence of Jammu and Kashmir as a new issue area between the two. The Chinese decision to provide stapled visas for Indians from the State of Jammu and Kashmir that indicated it considers it 'disputed’ – in line with Pakistan’s position – has become a major diplomatic problem. This problem was compounded in August 2010 when China denied visa to Lt. Gen Jas Pal, Commander, Northern Command, since he is based in Jammu and Kashmir. The lack of diplomatic sensitivity and protocol on the Chinese side was stark since the Lt. Gen was invited by the PLA. India has suspended all high level military exchanges with China in retaliation and till the issue is sorted out to its satisfaction. It also cancelled the visits of Chinese high level military visits to India.

A second issue – again linked to J&K – was the active involvement of China, largely through the PLA, in carrying out various projects in Pakistan occupied Kashmir. Legal sovereignty over Pakistan occupied Kashmir belongs to India – yet this has been systematically been set aside by China since it signed the 1963 'border agreement’ with Pakistan settling the POK Xinjiang territorial division. India has always considered it 'illegitimate’. But this has been since then been further compromised by Chinese military activities, including road and infrastructure building, military transportation, etc., in POK. Earlier in the year the Chinese had opposed an Asian Development Bank project in Arunachal on the ground that the territory is 'disputed’ and that India must not undertake even official State visits of the Prime Minister and the President or allow the Dalai lama to visit the area. By its own logic China should not be undertaking any such projects in 'disputed’ POK. But logic has not been Beijing’s strong point, power politics is.

China’s attempt to make the visits of the Prime Minister to Arunachal and the Dalai Lama to Tawang highly sensitive public issues has had a very negative impact on public opinion in India which sees China’s claims as well as attendant diplomatic demands as provocative and hostile in nature. Arunachal has always been part of India and many Prime Ministers have visited the province. So why make the Manmohan visit such an issue? Similarly, the Dalai Lama has been in exile in India since 1959 and as a religious head travels to all parts of India, including the Buddhist monasteries such the one in Tawang. This too is not new. India expects China to directly talk with the Dalai Lama so that the over 100,000 Tibetans in exile may return to Tibet. They are a responsibility of China and they are in exile because they do not feel that the political and religious conditions are conducive for them to return home. The Tibetan issue is not an Indian creation and must not be made to look as such. It has already muddied India China relations and caused many misperceptions. China needs to address it sincerely through talks with the Tibetans in exile and their leader the Dalai Lama – overcoming the dominant view that this problem can be overcome simply by waiting out. It is quite possible that complexities could increase as human rights and other cultural autonomy issues gain more salience in international diplomacy and Chinese domestic affairs.

China tried to push through supply of additional nuclear power reactors to Pakistan – a known proliferator of nuclear weapon technology --bypassing the Nuclear Suppliers Group regulations and restrictions despite being a member. While, the projects have not come through as yet and did not materialise even during the recent Pakistan visit of Wen Jiabao-- but the very fact that it has been attempted has not left a negative impression in India and elsewhere. China’s Pakistan fixation has been further reflected in its failure to condemn the perpetrators of the dastardly Mumbai terrorist attacks, its opposition in the UN to sanction the Lashkar-e-Taiba and the Jaish-e-Mohammad, and its calculated silence on mentioning Pakistan, even indirectly, as a state that needs to be responsible and control international terrorist attacks from its territory, and punish the guilty. The Chinese stance has had been widely viewed negatively in the Indian media and political circles, to the detriment of India-China diplomacy and confidence building. 

Diversion of the Brahmaputra

Finally, China has acknowledged after being in denial for many years, that it is constructing a hydro-power plant on the Tsangpo or the Brahmaputra and is also planning other projects –that could affect the quantum of water flow into lower riparian India and Bangladesh during the lean period. No river water agreement exists between India and China, and water flows in both Sutlej and Brahmaputra are involved. Under the present arrangement China provides water flow data during the Monsoon and not year-round. Its dam building activities on the Mekong has been a diplomatic issue with the Indo-Chinese states. The failure to be upfront with India on the hydro-project issue has therefore raised public concern, especially in the Northeast.

In effect, the existing disputes and differences over territory, strategic ties with Pakistan and regional diplomacy that seeks to counter-balance India and undermine existing security arrangements and the Tibetan issue became more complicated over the past year. As a result the positive elements in the relationship such as at the Copenhagen climate change conference or in the G-20 global financial discussions have been overshadowed by the series of negative diplomatic moves by China. Growing trade volume and economic relations – important for the relationship given the political differences -- have not managed to cope with the string of new issues that have clouded the relationship.

Premier Wen knows the bilateral issues well enough. He and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh have met over 20 times during their tenures as heads of governments at different diplomatic forums and have discussed way to improve ties and deal with the problem areas.

Wen came to India with a 400-strong Chinese business delegation, set his eyes on commerce and investments, avoided controversies and on the whole made a positive public impression. This was his second visit. During his 2005 visit he had signed the principles to settle the boundary issue –which seemed important then but has been nullified because of its generalities and differences over interpretation. He has a good reputation as a reformer and as a leader interested in stable relations with India. In the five years since his past visit ties however have become entangled, new problems have been added. In some ways this was a damage control mission, arranged hurriedly during the G-20 summit in Seoul where he met Manmohan Singh on the sidelines.

Prior to the summit it was felt by some that a positive assessment of the visit would depend on whether he addresses two Indian concerns. One, what stand he takes on India’s persistent demand to do away with China’s policy of issuing stapled visas to Indians from Jammu and Kashmir, and two, whether he declares an unequivocal support to Indian candidature for United Nations Security Council’s permanent membership. Dodging of these issues by China is increasingly being seen as an unfriendly act in India. On both these issues the Chinese Premier remained non-committal or stuck to generalities. On the issue of terrorism, he took a general position opposing it in all forms. However, China has prevented the United Nations from imposing sanctions on Lashkar-e-Tayyeba chief Hafiz Saeed and his charity and terror front, Jamaat-ud Dawa (JuD). Nor has China before or during Wen’s visit even hinted at the need for Pakistan to bring to book the perpetrators of the 26/11 Mumbai attacks. China continues to handle its strategic ally Pakistan with kid-gloves. These postures do not create confidence about Chinese stated positions and intentions.

So what was achieved? Little that is tangible on resolving the large areas of differences; but some hopes have been raised within the political establishment by Wen’s assurances and apparent attention to India’s concerns. According to an Indian official comment -- "We have made it very clear that issues involving the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir are a core concern for us, as Tibet and Taiwan are core concerns for them." However, he added, that efforts to improve ties would continue. "We will move towards trying to find agreement on those issues while not letting them impact on areas where we can move ahead."

In the two rounds of talks between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Premier Wen the “stapled visa” issue could not be undone. They therefore agreed on a mechanism to address the matter. They also decided to discuss the break in high-level defence exchanges — suspended by India as a result of Chinese denial of visa to the Commander, Northern Command --by creating a basis for them to “continue without constraints.” The immediate “constraint” is the stapled visa, which challenges India’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. In the absence of a resolution of this issue, India refused to include in the joint statement references to Chinese sovereignty in Tibet and ‘one-China' that have been part of the previous three joint statements. The reference in the joint statement to deepening bilateral relations on the basis of “sensitivity for each other's concerns” was the compromise formulation. India’s insistence on reciprocity and seeming assertiveness are a refreshing change from its previous docile posture that China had begun to take for granted.

Wen Jiabao’s Visit

Premier Wen knows the bilateral issues well enough. He and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh have met over 20 times during their tenures as heads of governments at different diplomatic forums and have discussed way to improve ties and deal with the problem areas. Wen came to India with a 400-strong Chinese business delegation, set his eyes on commerce and investments, avoided controversies and on the whole made a positive public impression. This was his second visit. During his 2005 visit he had signed the principles to settle the boundary issue –which seemed important then but has been nullified because of its generalities and differences over interpretation. He has a good reputation as a reformer and as a leader interested in stable relations with India. In the five years since his past visit ties however have become entangled, new problems have been added. In some ways this was a damage control mission, arranged hurriedly during the G-20 summit in Seoul where he met Manmohan Singh on the sidelines. Prior to the summit it was felt by some that a positive assessment of the visit would depend on whether he addresses two Indian concerns. One, what stand he takes on India’s persistent demand to do away with China’s policy of issuing stapled visas to Indians from Jammu and Kashmir, and two, whether he declares an unequivocal support to Indian candidature for United Nations Security Council’s permanent membership. Dodging of these issues by China is increasingly being seen as an unfriendly act in India. On both these issues the Chinese Premier remained non-committal or stuck to generalities. On the issue of terrorism, he took a general position opposing it in all forms. However, China has prevented the United Nations from imposing sanctions on Lashkar-e-Tayyeba chief Hafiz Saeed and his charity and terror front, Jamaat-ud Dawa (JuD). Nor has China before or during Wen’s visit even hinted at the need for Pakistan to bring to book the perpetrators of the 26/11 Mumbai attacks. China continues to handle its strategic ally Pakistan with kid-gloves. These postures do not create confidence about Chinese stated positions and intentions. So what was achieved? Little that is tangible on resolving the large areas of differences; but some hopes have been raised within the political establishment by Wen’s assurances and apparent attention to India’s concerns. According to an Indian official comment -- "We have made it very clear that issues involving the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir are a core concern for us, as Tibet and Taiwan are core concerns for them." However, he added, that efforts to improve ties would continue. "We will move towards trying to find agreement on those issues while not letting them impact on areas where we can move ahead." In the two rounds of talks between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Premier Wen the “stapled visa” issue could not be undone. They therefore agreed on a mechanism to address the matter. They also decided to discuss the break in high-level defence exchanges — suspended by India as a result of Chinese denial of visa to the Commander, Northern Command --by creating a basis for them to “continue without constraints.” The immediate “constraint” is the stapled visa, which challenges India’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. In the absence of a resolution of this issue, India refused to include in the joint statement references to Chinese sovereignty in Tibet and ‘one-China' that have been part of the previous three joint statements. The reference in the joint statement to deepening bilateral relations on the basis of “sensitivity for each other's concerns” was the compromise formulation. India’s insistence on reciprocity and seeming assertiveness are a refreshing change from its previous docile posture that China had begun to take for granted.

Trade and Economic Relations

Highlights: · India-China total trade crossed the target of US$ 60 billion for 2010 and stood at US$ 61.74 billion, recording an increase of more than 52%. · India’s exports to China for year 2010 reached US$ 20.86 billion, a growth of more than52% when compared to year 2009. However, India’s exports to China in 2010 were only slightly more than the figure for year 2008 when our exports reached US$ 20.34 billion. India’s exports in 2010 recorded an increase of only 2.5%. · China’s exports to India for year 2010 reached US$ 40.88 billion, an increase of almost 41% compared to 2009. · The trade deficit for India for year 2010 stood at more than US$ 20 billion, more than US$ 15.87 billion trade deficit in year 2009. · The total trade for the first five months of 2011 (Jan-May) stood at US$ 29.36 billion, year-on-year increase of 17.15 %. The trade deficit in this period was US$ 7.69 billion · 2008- US$257 million in 92 projects ( turnover realized was US$88.1 million and the cumulative committed FDI from India into China in the projects till 2008 wasUS$898 million in 426 projects) · Jan-Sep 2009- 30 million in 57projects.

On the issue of dams on rivers, China, according to Indian officials, hinted at a changed stance. Both sides agreed to further discuss India's suggestion for increased cooperation on trans-border river issues over and above the expert level mechanism for the Brahmaputra and the Sutlej. With large projects on the anvil on its sides and China’s claims on Arunachal it remains to be seen whether it will actually share full data on water flow and cooperate so that India and Bangladesh are not affected. The two countries also made some progress by opening consultations on maritime security and agreed that freedom of navigation should be in line with international laws. Despite the suspension of defence exchanges at the higher level, they decided to work together in tackling piracy in the Gulf of Aden, where both sides have deployed their navies. These areas of agreement are important for sustaining engagement in the context of differences over vital sovereignty, national security and trade issues. Changed Context

A little over two decades ago with the Cold War coming to a close and the Soviet Union and China on the anvil of fundamental changes, India and China had agreed on a framework of engagement and development of their ties. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s talks with Deng Xiaoping and Communist Party General Secretary Zhao Ziyang in December 1988 laid a six fold plan – resumption of high level political exchanges and summits, confidence building between the two militaries, maintaining the status quo on the territorial issue, expanding trade and economic ties, and normalizing tourism, cultural and intellectual exchanges, and parallel discussions on ways to resolve disputes. Despite different and often competing strategic visions this framework has been useful and has significantly changed the content and tenor of the relationship over the past two decades.

The strategic context however has undergone dramatic changes over the past two decades. The Soviet Union has disintegrated, the United States, Japan and Europe are in deep recession, China’s power has dramatically grown and looms large in international perceptions, and India is rising. As a result nationalism has been growing within the prosperous Chinese elites and professional classes, propelling China to be increasingly assertive in its external relations. It does not see any reason to reach settlements on sovereignty claims and strategic differences that would seem as making ‘concessions’. The desire to drive an ever harder bargain and the introduction of new complexities such as the 'stapled visa’ issue in the relationship with India has made dispute resolution – an important goal of the 1988 framework—difficult. Relations have as a result frayed. India would do well to take a comprehensive view of the relationship, including the sovereignty issues, not be maneuvered to make new diplomatic concessions in order to overcome some of the new hurdles that China has introduced, such as stapled visas. If China does not untie the knot it has created in Jammu and Kashmir and Arunachal India would have no other option but to re examine its Tibet and Taiwan policies.

Overall, India’s relationship with China is poised at the cross-roads. It can go in several directions depending on how the two deal with each other’s concerns and their ability to reach a reasonable settlement on some of the pending issues. Both need a stable, sensitive, and a productive and working relationship as their status and power in the world changes. The rest of Asia too wants to see peace and stability maintained in this major relationship of the 21st century. But the relations could also deteriorate if the sincerity of engagement falters. Wen’s visit would have played a positive role if it contributes to lessening the complexities that have emerged, resolve some of the pending issues and helps forge a stronger understanding of the interests that tie the two countries.